The court also barred Kabiru Turaki and others from presenting themselves as national officers of the party, dealing a significant blow to the faction that emerged from the convention.

Despite internal disputes within the party, the PDP went ahead with its highly anticipated two-day 2025 Elective National Convention at the Lekan Salami Stadium in Adamasingba, Ibadan. Tagged #Ibadan2025, the convention attracted thousands of party delegates, leaders, and supporters.

The court’s decision follows ongoing leadership disputes within the PDP, which have led to competing factions and legal battles over the party’s national leadership and internal processes.

Reacting to the ruling in a statement posted on the PDP’s X handle, the party’s National Publicity Secretary, Ini Ememobong, said the PDP is awaiting the final pronouncement of the appellate courts, which it believes will uphold its position.

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Ajayi formally rejoined the ruling party at his hometown, Apoi Ward 2, Kiribo, in Ese Odo Local Government Area.

A former member of the House of Representatives, Ajayi had, in June 2020, resigned his membership of the APC and defected to the PDP, citing irreconcilable differences between him and the late Governor Oluwarotimi Akeredolu, under whom he served as deputy.

Speaking in Igbekebo, the headquarters of Ese Odo Local Government Area, Ajayi pledged full support for Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa’s “EASE” agenda and President Bola Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda ahead of the 2027 general elections.

He described his return as a move back to his original political home, which would enable him to actively participate in the party’s affairs and contribute to progressive development in the state.

According to him, “In politics, there could be disagreements, campaigns, propaganda and blackmail, but at the end of the day, the bigger picture is the Nigeria project. We must come together to add value to the system.

Read Also: Ondo Election: Gov. Adeleke urges Osun indigenes to support Ajayi

“Myself and Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa have talked. We campaigned against each other, and during campaigns, blackmail and propaganda are not unusual. However, when we look beyond those things, we realise that the bigger picture is greater than all of us.

“This is about the Nigeria project. We should come together to see how we can add value to the system. I also want to commend Mr President for the bold steps and reforms he has introduced in the country.

“He has been able to establish and lay a solid foundation. No president will come and say he wants to cancel those policies again,” Ajayi noted.

Source: Channels

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Delivering judgment, Justice Lifu relied on the April 4, 2025, verdict of the Supreme Court to declare Senator Nenadi, as the valid leader of the party.

The court also ordered the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to forthwith recognize the Senator Usman-led Caretaker Committee as the only valid authority to represent the Labour Party, pending when the party convenes a national convention.

The judgement followed a suit instituted by the Usman before the court.

Read Also: Supreme Court sacks Abure as Labour Party’s National Chairman

Aside from Abure, the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) was also cited as a defendant in the matter.

Justice Lifu held that evidence before him established that Abure’s tenure as the national chairman of the LP had since elapsed.

While dismissing Abure’s contention that the matter was an internal affair of a political party that is non-justiceable, the court held that the setting up of the LP caretaker committee was “a necessity” that arose from the order of the Supreme Court.

Source: Channels

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Museveni, 81, won 71.65 percent of the vote in the election, the Electoral Commission said, amid reports of at least 10 deaths and intimidation of the opposition and civil society.

His victory allows him to extend his 40-year rule of the East African country.

He defeated Bobi Wine, 43, a former singer-turned-politician who won 24.72 percent and said he was in hiding on Saturday after a raid by security forces on his home.

Wine has faced relentless pressure since entering politics, including multiple arrests before his first run for the presidency in 2021.

He stated his “complete rejection of the fake results” and said he was on the run after the raid on his home on Friday night.

“I want to confirm that I managed to escape from them,” Wine posted on X on Saturday. Currently, I am not at home, although my wife and other family members remain under house arrest.

“I know that these criminals are looking for me everywhere and I am trying my best to keep safe,” he added.

According to journalists, Thtere was a heavy police presence around the capital, Kampala, as security forces sought to prevent the sort of protests that have hit neighbouring Kenya and Tanzania in recent months.

Police denied they had raided Wine’s home but said they had “controlled access in areas we feel are security hotspots”, adding they believed the opposition leader was still at home.

“We have not necessarily denied people accessing him but we cannot tolerate instances where people use his residence to gather and… incite violence,” police spokesman Kituuma Rusoke told reporters.

A stall-owner near Wine’s home, 29-year-old Prince Jerard, told newsmen that he had heard a drone and helicopter at the residence the previous night, and saw numerous security officials.

“Many people have left (the area),” he said. “We have a lot of fear.”

Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi, has emerged as the main challenger to Museveni in recent years, styling himself the “ghetto president” after the Kampala slum areas where he grew up.

He has accused the government of “massive ballot stuffing” and attacking several of his party officials under cover of the internet blackout, which was imposed ahead of the polls and remained in place on Saturday.

African election observers said they saw no evidence of ballot stuffing but denounced “reports of intimidation, arrest and abductions” targeting the opposition and civil society.

This “instilled fear and eroded public trust in the electoral process”, former Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan told reporters in Kampala.

He was representing election observers from the African Union, as well as regional bodies COMESA and IGAD for east and southern Africa.

Jonathan said the shutdown of the internet “disrupted effective observation” and “increased suspicion” but that the overall conduct of the polls on election day was “peaceful”.

Museveni’s ruling party, the National Resistance Movement, also had a commanding lead in parliamentary seats, according to provisional results. Ballots were still being counted.

Analysts have long viewed the election as a formality.

Museveni, a former guerrilla fighter who seized power in 1986, has total control over the state and security apparatus and has ruthlessly crushed any challenger during his rule.

The other major opposition figure, Kizza Besigye, who ran four times against Museveni, was abducted in Kenya in 2024 and brought back to a military court in Uganda for a treason trial that is ongoing.

Read Also: Ugandan President, Museveni, Seeks 7th Term after Four Decades in Office

There were reports of election-related violence against the opposition.

Muwanga Kivumbi, member of parliament for Wine’s party in the Butambala area of central Uganda, told AFP’s Nairobi office by phone that security forces had killed 10 of his campaign agents after storming his home.

Police gave a different account, saying an “unspecified number” of people had been “put out of action” when opposition members planned to overrun and burn down a local tally centre and police station.

Source: Channels

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The Rivers State House of Assembly had asked the Chief Judge of the state to constitute a panel to investigate allegations of gross misconduct levelled against Governor Fubara and his deputy, Ngozi Odu.

The lawmakers requested through a unanimous vote, insisting that the impeachment process would proceed despite what they described as attempts by the governor to intimidate and blackmail the legislature.

In a statement by the Speaker of the House, Martins Chike Amaewhule, and forwarded to the Chief Judge, the assembly formally called for the establishment of the investigative panel in line with constitutional provisions.

Read Also: Rivers APC Kicks Against Moves to Impeach Governor Fubara

In the twist of event, the Rivers State High Court, in a document cited by restrained the Chief Judge of Rivers State, Justice Simeon Amadi from receiving, forwarding, considering or acting on any request resolution, articles of impeachment or other documents or communications for the purpose of constituting a panel to investigate the purported allegations of misconduct against Governor Fubara and his deputy Ngozi Odu for seven days.

The presiding judge, Justice F.A. Fiberesima, in a ruling on a motion ex parte in two separate suits filed by Governor Siminalayi Fubara and the Deputy Governor, Prof. Ngozi Odu, also granted leave to the claimants/applicants to serve the interim order and the originating processes in Suit No. OYHC/7CS/2026 and Suit No. OYHC/6/CS/2026, as well as all subsequent processes meant for the first to 31st defendants at the gate of the Rivers State Assembly quarters.

Source: TVC

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This was disclosed in a statement released by the National Organizing Secretary, Theophilus Dakas Shan.

“The National Working Committee (NWC) of our Great Party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), acting on behalf of the National Executive Committee (NEC) and pursuant to Section 29(2)(b) of our Constitution (2025 as amended), has approved the appointment of the following party leaders to the Caretaker Committees for Delta, Enugu, Imo, Rivers, and Osun States.” The statement reads.

Delta State Caretaker Committee

Prof. Sylvester Monye – Chairman
Dr. Michael Tidi, Esq. – Secretary
Ujor Ucheonny – Member
Pharm. Victor Ofobrukueta – Member
Comdr. Johnbull Aghogho Kenairu – Member
Jackson Agbor – Member
Onajega Mike – Member
Chief Ekiyor Charles – Member
Hon. Mrs. Vero Egbuna – Member
Chukwunonso Alex Ndah – Member
Walter Uguoye – Member

Enugu State Caretaker Committee

Barr. Steve Oruruo – Chairman
Martin Ugwuamadieze – Secretary
Ugwu Uchenna Godswill – Member
Lilian C. C. Ugwuoke – Member
Anikezie Michael – Member
Cosmas Chinwe Ugwu – Member
Barr. Basil Aguigwo – Member
Chief Cosmas Onyia – Member
Barr. Peter Ajah – Member

Imo State Caretaker Committee

Chief John Jude Okere – Chairman
Magnus Amadi – Secretary
Kenneth Ejiofor – Member
Arc. Chinonso Odoemelam – Member
Celestine Uwah – Member
Maria Osuigwe – Member
Love Orum – Member
Promise Oneogwe – Member
Hygienus Asoluka – Member

Rivers State Caretaker Committee

Ogbam Ojimah – Chairman
Dr. Field Baribeful Nkor – Secretary
Richard Enyia Victor – Member
Grace Boma Harry – Member
Princess Isioma Stella Elenwa – Member
Arc. Eldred Owupele-Orubo – Member
Austin Emeka Wali – Member
Ada Udong – Member
Edward Nubari David – Member

Osun State Caretaker Committee

Hon. Tunde Tijani – Chairman
Hon. Bamidele Seyi-Abiola – Secretary
Hon. Lateef Mumini Obide – Member
Alhaji Sarafa Gbadamosi – Member
Hon. Adewoyin Babatunde – Member
Hon. Ajileye Wasiu Aderemi – Member
Hon. Oluresi Michael Adebanji – Member

Read Also: Osun PDP stakeholders reaffirm support for Adeleke

The committees are tasked with managing party affairs in their respective states for a tenure not exceeding 90 days or until new executive committees are elected. They are expected to operate strictly under the guidance of the PDP Constitution, the Electoral Act 2022, and the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999, as amended).

It is yet to be seen how the Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party in Osun Sate, Sunday Bisi, will react to this development.

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The laws of many African Nations like Nigeria, Ghana, Cameroon, Niger, Mali, South Africa, Namibia, Benin among other, stipulate a two-term limit of four or five years per term. However, for many decades, several African leaders have manipulated the constitution and the institutions in their respective countries, to suit their desires to perpetually remain in power.

For nearly four decades, President Yoweri Museveni has stood at the centre of Uganda’s political life, growing from a rebel leader who promised democratic renewal, into one of Africa’s longest-serving presidents. His story is not just about one man or one Country; it reflects a broader central pattern in which liberation heroes and activist leaders gradually transform power into permanence.

Museveni’s tenure since 1986 calls for a deeper check into Africa’s continuing struggle with sit-tight leadership where constitution amendments, questionable elections, and corruption of security agencies have replaced the original ideals of change, and where the question of succession remains Africa’s most sensitive political burden.

The Ugandan-born Yoweri Museveni, at his swearing-in ceremony, initially kicked against leaders who overstay while in office, promising a return to democracy. He famously stated that the problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power.

Museveni, said that democracy was the right of the people of Africa and that the government must not be the masters but the servers of the population. He suggested that democracy would be built from the ground up, with village committees that would serve as the watchdogs for society against misuse of authority.

Museveni’s early years in power were widely praised. He stabilised a fractured country, restored basic security, implemented economic reforms backed by international institutions, and positioned Uganda as a regional powerbroker. In the 1990s, donors lauded Uganda as a model of post-conflict recovery, and Museveni enjoyed significant diplomatic goodwill.

However, embedded within his governance model was a contradiction that later explained his legacy. Uganda’s no-party system, justified as a way to avoid rigid politics, effectively concentrated power in the presidency. While elections were held, political competition remained tightly managed. Over time, the language of stability replaced the language of transition.

Critics and analysts have observed that the promises made by Museveni have not been fulfilled. Over the decades, his administration has passed several constitutional amendments, both the presidential term limits and the presidential age limit, which have allowed him to run for office continually.

Beyond Museveni, the story of sit-tight leadership in Africa is ultimately a story of unfinished democracy. It reflects weak institutions, individual ambition-driven politics, external involvement, and societies still negotiating with accountability.

Museveni’s line is not unique. Africa’s post-independence history is filled with leaders who arrived on waves of popular support, only to establish themselves over time. From Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe to Paul Biya in Cameroon, Denis Sassou Nguesso in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Teodoro Obiang in Equatorial Guinea, and Gnassingbé Eyadéma (and later his son) in Togo, the sit-tight phenomenon has cut across region, and generation.

In DRC, Nguesso was in power for 36 years; Gnassingbé Eyadéma served as the third president of Togo from 1967 until his death in 2005, ruling for 38 Years, after which he was immediately succeeded by his son, Faure Gnassingbé who ruled for 20 Years; Equatorial Guinea’s Obiang has been in power for 41 years; Rwanda’s Paul Kagame for 20 years; Paul Biya of Cameroon for 38 years; Chad’s Idriss Deby for 30 years; Isaias Afwerki has also been in power for 27 years in Eritrea; and Ismail Guelleh for 21 years in Djibouti.

In countries like Nigeria, political leaders have deployed same tactics of institutional compromise and manipulated elections to win second term elections. While no past Leader of the country has succeeded in becoming a sit-tight leader in the shape of Uganda’s Museveni, the same pattern of unpopular leadership forced on the people through non-democratic means, is evident.

Read Also: Ugandan President, Museveni, Seeks 7th Term after Four Decades in Office

Yoweri Museveni’s long grip on power mirrors a wider African problem in which constitutional provisions are repeatedly bent to suit individual ambition, while democratic ideals are invoked more in speech than in practice. His journey from being a reformist rebel to a fixed ruler emphasizes how liberation credits and early governance successes often become shields against accountability.

Across the continent, the persistence of sit-tight leadership continues to test the strength of institutions, the credibility of elections, and the resilience of civic space. Until African democracies move beyond personalities and invest decisively in independent institutions, transparent succession, and respect for term limits, the cycle of prolonged rule will remain a recurring burden, one that delays political renewal and undermines public trust in governance.

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From aides to concerned citizens to opposition party members and media practitioners, security agencies have repeatedly detained individuals over actions and statements considered politically sensitive, reflecting a tense political climate that continues to shape governance and public discourse in the state.

The most recent case involved the prolonged detention of an aide to Governor Ademola Adeleke, Abiodun Adegoke, following a petition linked to the All Progressives Congress (APC) governorship candidate, Bola Oyebamiji.

Adegoke was reportedly arrested over an accusation of defamation arising from a post he (Adegoke) made on social media where he reported a stampede at the Ikire residence of the APC candidate on the 27th day of December, 2025 during a food distribution exercise at Oyebamiji’s residence, which he claimed led to deaths.

Governor Adeleke accused the Osun State Commissioner of Police, Ibrahim Gothan, of ordering the illegal detention of his aide and repeatedly denying him bail. He consequently urged the Inspector-General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, to intervene and compel the Osun State Police Command to respect Adegoke’s fundamental rights.

In a statement signed by the Governor’s spokesperson, Olawale Rasheed, on Monday, January 12, 2026, Adeleke said Adegoke was detained for more than five days without being charged to court, describing the action as a violation of the Constitution.

However, the Osun State Police Command dismissed the allegation, insisting that Adegoke had been granted bail and that investigations into the petition against him had been concluded.

Earlier, the Concerned Citizens of Nigeria (CCN), a non-political civic organization, condemned the arrest of one of its members, Iyiola Monsuru, describing it as an attack on freedom of expression.

In a statement signed by its National Coordinator, Abiodun Adegoke, the group said Monsuru was arrested after reporting an incident at the residence of the APC governorship candidate for the 2026 election, Bola Oyebamiji, in Ikire.

The arrest and detention of Iyiola Monsuru and the subsequent arrest and detention of Abiodun Adegoke were connected to claims of a stampede at the home of the APC governorship candidate.

Meanwhile, politics-related arrests and detentions in Osun did not just start in August 2025, as the Osun political space started experiencing similar happenings from the past. Recall that the Osun State chapter of the All Progressives Congress on Thursday, August 8, demanded probe of Kazeem Adefisoye, the Chief Security Officer of the State Governor, Ademola Adeleke, and others following what it described as an illegal arrest and detention of one of its members in the state, Rasaq Gafar.

In the statement signed by the party’s spokesperson, Kola Olabisi, the APC alleged that the Chief Security Officer to the Governor, Kazeem Adefisoye, alongside the Officer in Charge of the Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) unit of the Oyo State Police Command, abused their offices in the arrest of Gafar.

The party claimed that on Monday, August 4, 2025, Adefisoye and about eight masked police officers drawn from the Osun State Government House stormed a bank on Ring Road, Ibadan, where Gafar works, physically manhandled him, and forcefully arrested him without prior invitation.

Rasaq Gafar was arrested and detained on the grounds of cyberbullying against the person of the Governor of Osun State, Ademola Adeleke.

Similarly, Osun State also witnessed the arrest and arraignment of the Editor of Osun Spring newspaper, Adesola Isola, by the Nigeria Police Force in Osogbo.

Isola was arraigned before a Magistrate Court for allegedly publishing false and malicious information against the former Governor of the state and Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Adegboyega Oyetola, in the newspaper’s August 1–15, 2025 edition. The publication claimed that the Minister had entered into an agreement with the Nigeria Police Force and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to manipulate the forthcoming 2026 governorship election in Osun State.

At proceedings held on August 21, 2025, Isola pleaded not guilty before Magistrate A. O. Ayilara of Magistrate Court 1, Osogbo, and was granted bail in the sum of ₦500,000 with one surety in like sum.

Taken together, the pattern of arrests and detentions recorded in Osun State over the past year emphasizes the growing concerns about political sensitivity and the use of state institutions in resolving political disputes.

Read Also: Osun Records Low Turnout as Council Workers Resume After 11 months

Cyberbullying, fake news, and other related unlawful actions, being the commonest causes of the arrests, is also a growing concern in the State, ahead of the 2026 Governorship election.

As the 2026 election approaches, civil society groups, opposition parties, and observers continue to call for restraint, adherence to constitutional safeguards and respect for fundamental rights to ensure that political competition does not further erode democratic freedom in the state.

Concerned stakeholders have also continued to advocate against cyberbullying, fake news, and irresponsible use of social media, social ills that continue to put question marks on absolute freedom of expression.

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A vast majority of citizens have never known any other leader aside from the 81-year-old president and former rebel.

Museveni came to power in 1986, on a wave of optimism after leading insurgencies against autocratic governments.

According to Kristof Titeca, a professor at the University of Antwerp, “Corruption has been central to his rule from the beginning.

Muzeveni’s main rival in the presidential election is Boni Wine, a 43-year-old pop star.

Political analysts say that while victory for Museveni is all but certain, the road ahead is clouded by uncertainty, with the president starting to show signs of frailty.

Reflecting on the rapid rise of Muhoozi Kainerugaba, Museveni’s son and Uganda’s military chief, University professor Titeca said, “The big question looming over the election is the question of succession”

Uganda’s opposition has accused Museveni of fast-tracking Kainerugaba’s military career to prepare him to eventually succeed him, even with the 51-year-old frequently taking to X to make inflammatory remarks, while veteran politicians who once fought alongside Museveni in the bush have been sidelined.

Read Also: Ugandan TikToker jailed for insulting president

The election outcome could determine Museveni’s next move, with a poor showing potentially prompting him to promote other party members and deflect criticism of an outright dynastic succession, said former newspaper editor Charles Onyango-Obbo.

“This is less about the results that will be announced, and more about the mood on the ground,” Onyango-Obbo, added, saying that a handover could be some years away.

“Museveni is more frail now, but he is a workaholic… he will not leave even if he needs to use a walking stick,” he said.

Source: Nation

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The House Minority Leader, Sylvanus Nwankwo, and lawmaker from Degema, Peter Abbey, at a press briefing in Port Harcourt asked that the impeachment process be stalled, citing interventions by leaders, residents, and constituents.

“Rivers State issued a notice of impeachment on Governor Fubara and his Deputy. We appeal to our fellow colleagues to temper justice with mercy and see how we can solve this matter without the impeachment proceedings,” Nwankwo said.

“Having listened to so many calls from our elders and leaders, both within and outside the state, we are begging our colleagues to reconsider our steps and see how this matter can be resolved amicably, even though the governor and his deputy have infringed on the Constitution”.

Recall that Fubara and Odu were said to have been served an impeachment notice over alleged gross misconduct.

The Majority Leader, Major Jack, presented a notice signed by 26 lawmakers, outlining multiple allegations of gross misconduct against the governor, including extra-budgetary spending of over N800bn without legislative approval, withholding funds allocated to the Assembly Service Commission, demolition of the Assembly complex, and defiance of Supreme Court rulings on legislative autonomy.

Read Also: Rivers APC Kicks Against Moves to Impeach Governor Fubara

However, Fubara said he had yet to receive an impeachment notice from the lawmakers.

The development marks a renewed escalation of the protracted political crisis in Rivers State, stemming from the fallout between Governor Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, now the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory.

Previous impeachment attempts in 2023 and 2025 were halted by presidential interventions, before a state of emergency was declared by President Bola Tinubu last March.

Source: Channels

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